Beyond the question of what legacy he will leave behind, the more immediate political puzzle is who will inherit the enormous political structure he has built since assuming office in January 2020.
The governor's reported ambition to return to the Nigerian Senate has added another layer to the succession debate. If he eventually wins the Imo West senatorial election and subsequently vacates the governorship to take his seat in the National Assembly, the identity of the person positioned to take over from him becomes strategically crucial.
At the heart of the controversy is the increasingly vocal demand from Imo East, otherwise known as Owerri Zone, that the governorship should rotate to the zone. The argument is being anchored largely on the “Imo Charter of Equity”, which reportedly advocates rotational fairness among the three senatorial zones.
Owerri Zone stakeholders contend that since Governor Uzodimma is from Orlu Zone, the next logical destination of the governorship should be Owerri. Interestingly, the stakeholders of the All Progressives Congress (APC) from Imo East have publicly indicated their willingness to support Governor Uzodimma's eventual choice, provided that the successor comes from the zone.
But therein lies the first major dilemma for Uzodimma: choosing an Owerri candidate may satisfy the zoning argument without necessarily satisfying the competing ambitions within Owerri itself. The zone is not politically monolithic. Different blocs, local governments and political interests are already positioning themselves.
The Owerri Zone Awareness Coalition, for instance, has argued that if the governorship is to move to Owerri, particular attention should be given to Owerri Federal Constituency, while other interests are likely to insist on their own interpretation of equity. Thus, even a decision in favour of Owerri Zone would merely open another contest over which Owerri political bloc should produce the candidate. Please, ride with me.
The second challenge is that Governor Uzodimma cannot practically accommodate every loyalist, associate, aspirant and political ally seeking his endorsement. At some point, he must make the politically hazardous decision to back one person. That individual will immediately become the target of intense lobbying, opposition and perhaps resentment from those who believe that their loyalty, competence, financial contribution or political relevance deserves consideration.
Consequently, Uzodimma's greatest political test may not simply be identifying a successor, but managing the disappointment of those he does not choose without fracturing the political coalition around him.
His reported senatorial ambition makes the matter even more delicate. Uzodimma has a history in the Senate, having represented Imo West before becoming governor, and recent reporting has linked him with a possible return to the National Assembly in 2027. If he wins and ultimately leaves the governorship to assume the senatorial office, the constitutional succession mechanism becomes central to the political calculation.
The deputy governor would become the immediate beneficiary of a vacancy in the governor's office. According to Section 191 of the 1999 Constitution of Nigeria, as amended, a deputy governor shall substantively “hold the office of governor if the office becomes vacant due to death, resignation, impeachment, permanent incapacity, or removal”. This possibility transforms the deputy governorship from a supporting political office into potentially the most important succession platform in the State.
If she remains in office until the governor's departure, she could, depending on the precise constitutional circumstances, find herself occupying the governorship at a moment when Owerri's demand for power has already gained considerable political momentum.
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That creates an obvious strategic problem for Uzodimma if Ekomaru is not his preferred prospective successor. Removing or replacing a sitting deputy governor would itself carry considerable political consequences, particularly if the replacement was perceived as an attempt to prevent the incumbent deputy from becoming governor. A similar drama played out during the era of Chief Rochas Okorocha and Prince Eze Madumere; today, the former is perhaps apparently regretting the step he took against the latter.
On the other hand, retaining her could unintentionally create a succession pathway that the governor might not have originally intended. This is probably the most intriguing element of the emerging political equation; the person incumbently occupying the deputy governor's office could become more consequential than some of the politicians currently campaigning openly or quietly for the governorship.
Ekomaru's reported reluctance to relinquish the deputy governorship position, if sustained, therefore deserves close attention. The calculation is straightforward; voluntarily leaving such an office could mean surrendering an extraordinarily valuable constitutional and political advantage. Remaining there, by contrast, preserves the possibility of becoming governor if the incumbent departs.
Nevertheless, becoming governor through relinquishment would not automatically make one the elected governor for the next full term. The occupant would still have to confront the much larger battle for the 2027 governorship election and secure the backing of the party and electorate.
Meanwhile, several names and political tendencies are already circulating around the succession conversation. Within the broader Imo political environment, Prince Alex Mbata has become a significant figure, particularly through his 2027 senatorial ambition; whilst former Governor Ikedi Ohakim of Imo North (Okigwe Zone) has also remained part of the wider political conversation surrounding the next governorship cycle, though the people are of the view that he has been compensated owing to his wife’s recent appointment as a Nigerian ambassador.
Other established figures and political actors from the People’s Democratic Party (PDP), and other political platforms are expected to intensify their activities as the election approaches. It is important, however, to distinguish between people genuinely declared as candidates and individuals merely being discussed in political circles; the latter category should not be mistaken for confirmed aspirants.
The name of Nnamdi Anyaehie (of Imo West), the governor's Chief of Staff, also naturally enters discussions about the governor's political architecture because of his proximity to Uzodimma and his position within the administration. So does Secretary to the State Government, Cosmas Iwu (of Imo North), whose position places him within the governor's inner administrative circle. None is of Imo East.
Meanwhile, neither proximity nor prominence should automatically be interpreted as evidence that any of the duo has secured the governor's endorsement. The critical question will rather ultimately be; which individual Uzodimma considers capable of winning the election, maintaining his political structure and protecting the interests of his administration after he leaves the Government House.
There is consequently likely to be intense lobbying within the APC before the final choice is made. The governor will have to weigh zoning, electability, loyalty, personal compatibility, geographical spread, acceptability among party stakeholders, and the capacity to withstand opposition pressure. A candidate who is personally loyal but electorally weak could become a liability.
Conversely, an extremely powerful politician who enjoys an independent political base could become difficult for his predecessor to control if he eventually emerges as Imo governor. Uzodimma's ideal successor, therefore, would probably have to occupy a difficult middle ground; sufficiently strong to win but sufficiently aligned to preserve the political legacy and interests of the outgoing governor. If not, a similar melodrama of what recently transpired in Rivers State might repeat itself in Imo.
The situation could become even more complicated if the party's internal succession calculation conflicts with the public demand for Owerri Zone. Recent advocacy has gone beyond merely demanding an Owerri successor; some Owerri groups, as I earlier mentioned, are now arguing that Owerri Federal Constituency deserves particular consideration because, in their interpretation of the zone's political history, the constituency has not produced a governor.
That position could generate another round of competition among Owerri's political blocs, meaning that Uzodimma may eventually have to arbitrate not merely between Orlu and Owerri, but among competing interests within Owerri itself.
Another intriguing possibility is that the governor could attempt to separate the question of succession from the question of his preferred 2027 candidate. In other words, he could permit the constitutional succession process to take its course while backing a different candidate for the subsequent governorship election. That would create an unusual political situation in which the person occupying Government House temporarily could be different from the individual carrying the APC's ticket into the November 2027 election. Such an arrangement could be legally and politically delicate, and it would require extraordinary coordination among the governor and the party hierarchy.
For now, therefore, the Imo succession battle should not be viewed as a simple contest between individuals. It is a three-dimensional struggle involving zoning, constitutional succession and party nomination. Owerri Zone wants what it regards as its turn; Uzodimma wants to determine the political direction of the State after his departure; aspiring politicians want to inherit the APC structure; and Deputy Governor Ekomaru potentially occupies a position from which constitutional circumstances could propel her into the centre of the contest.
Recent reports even quoted an Owerri Zone advocacy leader as claiming that Uzodimma had already settled on a successor, although the identity of that person has not been publicly disclosed and the claim hasn’t been officially confirmed by the governor or the APC.
The coming months will therefore be defined by political manoeuvring, deep consultations, endorsements, counter-endorsements, and perhaps unexpected alliances. Governor Uzodimma's greatest political achievement at this stage may be not merely producing a successor, but producing one without destroying the coalition that has sustained his administration.
He is therefore expected to choose someone who can satisfy the principle of fairness to Owerri, command sufficient support across Imo, protect the continuity of his political structure and, above all, win an election.
If he eventually succeeds, he could leave the Douglas House for the Senate with his political influence largely intact. If he miscalculates, the succession project could become the very issue that fractures the political structure he spent years building. Think about it.
Comrade Nwaozor, a seasoned Policy/Political Analyst, can be reached via frednwaozor@gmail.com
